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Colorado’s gubernatorial candidates are rich and richer — and their complex financial histories are testing the limits of the state’s financial disclosure laws while raising concerns about conflicts of interest. Comes from old money. His mother is a cousin to former President George H.W. Bush, and his father is a prominent Connecticut businessman turned ambassador who once was part owner of the Texas Rangers and now co-owns the St.

Louis Cardinals. Is new money. One of the wealthiest members of Congress, Polis and his family struck gold during the early days of the internet.

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Since then, he has started or invested in dozens of other companies in a variety of sectors. Money is a touchy subject for both men. They have bucked long-held political tradition by not releasing their recent tax returns — a move nearly unheard of in recent Colorado political history before President Donald Trump refused to disclose his tax documents during the 2016 election. And each candidate’s allies are flinging accusations, citing varying degrees of evidence, about the other’s finances. The dearth of transparency is raising concern among longtime political observers who say it may be time for Colorado to revisit both what it requires candidates to disclose and how it enforces those laws. “It’s an honor system,” said Peg Perl, former senior counsel for the now-defunct Colorado Ethics Watch.

She is running for Denver clerk and recorder in 2019. Unlike in some states and Congress, no agency reviews Colorado candidates’ financial disclosure forms; it’s up to the public to hold candidates and elected officials accountable. And the process can be daunting, said Jason Salzman, a liberal blogger and media critic who this year filed a complaint against Stapleton’s campaign. “I’m not sure the public is empowered under the law to do this,” he said.

“It’s too complicated.”. Walker, The Denver PostColorado State Treasurer Walker Stapleton poses with a silver bar valued at over $10,000, in the vault at the Unclaimed Property Division of the treasurer’s office in Denver on March 10, 2015. Questions about disclosures Both campaigns have been subject to complaints about missing data from their disclosure forms, which are required by state law. Candidates are required to list income and assets valued at more than $5,000 for themselves, their spouses and their minor children. Shortly after the June primary, Salzman, the blogger, alleging that Stapleton’s campaign didn’t disclose $30,000 in annual income for his wife, Jenna Stapleton, that she earned from her work at a family foundation. While the Secretary of State’s Office on technical grounds, which Salzman questions, Stapleton’s team form to include the income in question. More recently, Polis was subject to a complaint.

9, Kristina Cook, a forensic accountant and treasurer of the Denver Republican Party, with the secretary of state alleging Polis left “important and substantial” information off. Cook is represented by Scott Gessler, the former Republican secretary of state, “I believe transparency is important, especially when we’re talking about possible conflicts of interests with the governor’s office,” she said. One example Cook highlighted in the complaint was Polis’ omission of his investment in a Colorado-based health care company, BridgeHealth. Polis helped start the company, and since joining Congress in 2008 has listed the company on his congressional financial disclosure forms.

His relationship with BridgeHealth has long been a point of contention for Republicans because of his work on President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act. Polis’ total investment in the company is worth between $5 million and $25 million, according to records. However, he is currently not pulling any income from the company. Polis’ campaign said the BridgeHealth investment isn’t listed on his state disclosure because the form doesn’t require the sort of specificity that the congressional form does. Jovian Holdings, the company that has made the investments in BridgeHealth, is listed on Polis’ state form.

“This complaint is absurd political theater,” Mara Sheldon, Polis’ spokeswoman, said in a statement. “Jared has disclosed in great detail all of his assets on a public website for the last decade and released several years of tax returns prior to seeking higher office (10 years ago). Jared has always gone above and beyond the law when it comes to transparency.” The Secretary of State’s Office. Jared Polis, Democratic candidate for governor, addresses the Patriot Bootcamp to share some of his business strategies and successes on September 29, 2018 in Denver, Colorado. The Patriot Bootcamp is a nonprofit that helps train military veterans in starting their own companies. (Photo By Kathryn Scott/Special to The Denver Post) Broader financial concerns Stapleton has faced questions on the campaign trail about his investments going back to when he took office as the state treasurer in 2011, despite his formation of the Walker R. Stapleton Blind Trust at the time.

Much of the focus has been on overlaps between his personal holdings and several investments made by state funds and the PERA pension system, for which Stapleton serves on the board of trustees. (The board, but as his campaign points out, investment managers select specific investments.) In 2013, the treasurer’s office awarded a five-year state general banking services contract to Wells Fargo, which was among the interests Stapleton listed in his state disclosure’s assets section. Stapleton has said he set up the blind trust, which walls off control of investments to a designated trustee, to head off concerns about conflicts of interest. But for years, he flubbed the reporting of the trust on state personal financial disclosure forms by citing the wrong entity — including on a revised form filed earlier this year. His campaign filed yet another revision in late September, correcting the record.

Those conflicting disclosures have sown confusion about the current state of Stapleton’s investments and given rise to additional questions by critics and Democrats. Stapleton insists the issue was rooted in simple clerical errors.

“I incorrectly filled out the form with the name of the trust and also restated the assets that were in the trust” back in 2011, Stapleton said, acknowledging that his trustee likely had altered the investments since then. “But they are the assets that, to my knowledge, are in the trust — and I have no idea whether those assets were increased, divested, whether other assets were acquired, or anything else.” His campaign says the trust contains nearly all of his holdings, with a few minor exceptions, and pays out distributions to Stapleton.

Included are his shares in Sonoma West Holdings, the California real estate company he headed through 2010. Stapleton also has faced accusations that he is continuing to moonlight for his former employer. He did so as a $250-an-hour consultant during his first year in office, while the small, once-publicly traded company completed the lengthy process of going private. But he says he has not done any work for Sonoma West since 2011 — and he says his blind trust, now properly disclosed, should provide voters assurance he would act ethically as governor. Polis’ critics have raised plenty of questions about the congressman’s finances, which are more complex than Stapleton’s. There have been several accusations, including that Polis hasn’t paid income taxes, that he has put money in an offshore account, that he’ll regulate industries he’s heavily invested in and that his campaign promise of moving toward renewable energy will directly benefit himself. Polis’ campaign has refuted or sought to clarify each claim: While it’s true Polis didn’t pay income taxes some years, it’s because business losses meant he didn’t have reportable income.

Polis invested in a company that did have a separate offshore account, but Polis’ money was only ever invested in the U.S. As for whether his campaign promises were designed to directly benefit him, the congressman has repeatedly asserted he’s unaware of where his money is invested. Polis also has a blind trust, which according to his campaign included about 50 percent of his assets when it was created during his first years in Congress. Polis has said that he’s complied wholly with what the congressional ethics committee has required of him, and that he was forbidden to put “legacy investments” and personal property into the trust. An email from the House Ethics Committee, provided to The Denver Post, confirms that Polis’ trust is in compliance.

According to OpenSecrets.org, a nonpartisan website that tracks money in politics, Polis in 2015 had at least $75 million in his three legacy accounts and no more than $25 million in his blind trust. Put Polis’ largest assets outside the blind trust at $100 million, while his blind trust is still valued at no more than $25 million. This information appears to contradict a statement Polis made during an online conversation 10 months ago. While participating in an Ask-Me-Anything discussion on the website Reddit, Polis said, “most of my assets are in a blind trust.” Polis’ campaign said he was referring to “usable” assets, and said most of his money in legacy accounts can’t be touched. According to Polis’ own disclosure form, he listed income up to $1 million from his blind trust and millions more in income from a variety of other accounts outside the blind trust.

Polis’ campaign said the congressman has no day-to-day management responsibilities for any asset outside the trust, except for his personal property. The makeup of his blind trust could change after the election, said Sheldon, his spokeswoman. “If Jared is elected governor,” she said, “he will put every asset into his blind trust that he is reasonably able to under state law and ethics rules.”. Evan Vucci, The Associated PressPresident Donald Trump speaks about tax reform on Dec.

13 at the White House. The Trump effect, Stapleton and Polis bickered for several minutes over their finances and who should release their recent tax returns first. The moment became so heated that, at one point, the moderator had to clap her hands to get the two millionaires to stop talking over each other.

Despite all the back-and-forth between the campaigns about wealth and tax returns, there’s an open question as to whether voters care. Related Articles. “Had you asked me before Trump won the nomination and the presidency, I’d say it did matter to voters,” said Michael Berry, an associate political science professor at the University of Colorado Denver, referring to the president’s ongoing refusal to release his tax returns. But “that norm was broken, and now we maybe seeing that trickle down to the state level, too.” He said candidates must weigh the potential cost of not being transparent with the benefit of not giving their opponents grist for attack ads. “You just don’t want to provide any ammo to opponents to attack you,” he said.

“The cost of being more financially transparent, I think, carries more risk than reward.” Matthew Arnold, a conservative activist who directs Campaign Integrity Watchdog, which has prevailed in dozens of disclosure and campaign finance complaints against Republicans and Democrats alike, said candidates shouldn’t get a pass. “I understand the desire for privacy,” he said. “But as an elected official, you give up some of that.” Along the trail, Polis — despite not releasing his recent tax returns — has said he’s open to discussing more financial transparency policies. Political observers say Colorado can take a variety of steps to provide the public with more information.

Colorado could adopt more detailed reporting requirements, such as those at the congressional level, and create a nonpartisan body to review documents for accuracy. Two New England states have taken the step to require that presidential candidates release their tax returns. Colorado lawmakers could take similar steps here, for statewide candidates. “The voters have to have sufficient access to information in order to make an informed decision,” Arnold said. “And to the extent that political campaigns are playing hide the money, it just increases the potential for corruption by people angling for political office.” Update: An earlier version of this article incorrectly identified Kristina Cook’s role in the Denver Republican Party. She is the treasurer. This story has also been updated to reflect that the Secretary of State dismissed the complaint against Polis.

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